Radomir Lazović

As part of the youth project „We Are the Jury“ by FILM OHNE GRENZEN, which is dedicated to the theme of democratic participation this year, the Serbian film „Lost Country“ was selected. It tells the story of a teenager who, in 1996 Belgrade, gets caught between the fronts of a political conflict while searching for his own truth. At the time, Radomir Lazović actively participated in the protests in his homeland that continue to shape Serbian society to this day. The Serbian politician and activist talks about the dictatorial hijacking of a country and the feeling that everyone should get involved to change the situation.

By Tamara Gajić

The youth jury has chosen a political story that reflects a very personal experience from over twenty years ago. What significance do you see in this choice?

I can well imagine that a film about protests is something that gives you hope. For the first time in my life, I took part in a protest during the time of Slobodan Milošević, and it was truly a terrible situation in every respect, but also a time of great hope and expectation. Everyone in Serbia wanted change. Because of Milošević's Hegemonic ambitions, we were at war where countless people died and suffered from hyperinflation. And I was really glad to be able to pull together with others and be part of this joint struggle. That gives you a great sense of personal fulfillment because you feel like you are contributing to something much bigger and more important than yourself. I can only speculate, but I think the idea of hope, which can be applied to the challenges people face in their own environment and even in Germany, played a central role in the youth jury's selection. I believe that the future will belong to this type of emotional stories that serve as a personal motivation. Perhaps that has always been the case. It actually motivates people to do something, to get involved, to show interest.

You were 16 years old at the time and an adolescent yourself. How would you describe the atmosphere and the protest culture back then?

Many contemporary witnesses speak of a feeling like a kind of fog that one was in. You could literally see the oppression. The police were present everywhere, beating citizens and students and constantly conducting „raids“ on regime critics to intimidate them. Anyone who was against the regime had to fear reprisals. It was an everyday struggle and life was anything but normal. The armed conflicts and the associated dissolution of Yugoslavia are a tragic memory for me; I have many friends in the post-Yugoslav region and feel a deep regret about what happened there. These wars are among the worst events in this region. These themes were omnipresent and influenced the general mood. And then there were these protests, which represented a peaceful and passive confrontation. Today, I lead such protests myself and can thus look back on them from a different perspective.

Did this time influence your political career?

These experiences have certainly shaped me in a lasting way and accompany me in all my later activities, whether currently in the fight against the urban destruction of Belgrade, the protest against electoral fraud, or the current demonstrations against lithium mining and environmental destruction. This feeling of being part of something much bigger and more important than oneself is present in all protests, yet it was strongest in the 1990s.

When did your active political involvement in Serbia begin?

It started with the protests I organized against the controversial development of Belgrade's port area, „Belgrade Waterfront.“ To this day, for me, this project is a symbol of corruption and a lack of transparency, which is why our protests were a wake-up call that revealed the rotten state of our political landscape. While we took to the streets, the media often reported on conflicts and warned of potential attacks against us. There were threats of arrests, and the authorities tried to discredit us with false accusations—claiming that we were betraying the country or acting on behalf of foreign powers. I wanted to make a difference and became part of a movement of people who were passionately committed to fairer urban development and alternative ideas. These experiences eventually led to the founding of our party, the Green-Left Front (ZLF), which I represent today.

The use of the term „traitors to the country“ regarding political opponents is strongly reminiscent of the Milošević era, when this form of denunciation was systematically employed. That sounds as though not much has changed since his overthrow on October 5, 2000.

It is indeed alarming to see similar rhetoric from the Milošević era reviving. Some would argue that nothing has changed since his overthrow, but I am somewhat torn on that. In my opinion, much has transformed, even if the situation today cannot be directly compared to the one back then, especially since we are not currently waging war. However, there are significant differences in the way power is exercised today. While Milošević was certainly authoritarian, he did not have the need or the ability to intervene in the minutest detail of his citizens' lives. Today, on the other hand, we see a much more subtle form of oppression through modern technologies and a far-reaching clientelist system. The current government uses these mechanisms not only to maintain its position of power, but also to create a network of loyalty and dependency.

A strategy that is potentially even more dangerous than the overt authoritarian regime of days gone by?

The current government under Aleksandar Vučić has created a creeping octopus that penetrates into the deepest corners of people's lives. To illustrate the drama of this development, I would like to give you an example: If you need a doctor's appointment and want to bypass the endless waiting lists, a single call to the party is enough. However, this seemingly banal gesture reveals the extent of corruption that lies like a shadow over our daily lives.

If such machinations are taking place even at this micro-level, one can vividly imagine how profound and devastating corruption is in other areas.

Everything is inextricably intertwined with the ruling party. We are not just talking about a corrupted state—we are experiencing the creeping takeover of all institutions. It may seem as though we have courts and police, but in reality these bodies are nothing more than puppets of the party. The illusion of law and order is maintained while, in the background, a system of control and oppression operates that is tightening its stranglehold on our society. For this reason, the film title „Lost Country“ appeals to me in this context. Because it is indeed the case that Serbia has been hijacked by the party regime and, in a certain way, is lost to its citizens.

In the mentioned film, a teenager is in conflict with his mother, who is a loyal Milošević supporter and works for the government, while he actively participates in protests against the regime. Today, different challenges are revealing themselves, and no insignificant factor is the manipulation by the controlled media, especially considering that the current prime minister was the minister of propaganda during that dark era. To what extent are today's youth aware of such manipulative paradigms and their impact on their own lives?

In recent years, I have experienced extremely dedicated young people, especially regarding ecological issues, as the current protests in Serbia show. For example, this involves a multinational company called Rio Tinto, which is planning the construction of a lithium mine in western Serbia that poses massive environmental risks, especially since the danger of groundwater and soil pollution could spread to other regions. This project is highly risky and without prior examples worldwide. Furthermore, the area in western Serbia is one of the best-preserved agricultural regions in the country, while many villages in Serbia are becoming emptier. The mine would significantly damage this region. Our youth are aware of this and understand the importance of this issue, which is why they are actively participating in the protests. They are ready to fight for universal values – because who doesn't love nature?

The motto of this year's festival is NOW. What are your thoughts on this and how could it be linked to your work in the Serbian Parliament?

I think the word future is manipulated most frequently when talking about politics. Because it is always about change, about wanting to achieve something in the future. Therefore, I really like the motto NOW, and in my context, I associate it with the idea that change is actually needed right now and is also truly implemented.

And what about Serbia NOW? It is a very pathetic question, but do you – as the film title says – still see Serbia as a „lost country“?

Unfortunately, we are ruled by people who are highly corrupt criminals. This ultimately leads to a large portion of the population feeling like they have lost their homeland, as every single area has been co-opted by the ruling elite. Nevertheless, I do not believe that we are lost, otherwise I would have neither the energy nor the motivation to fight. The film title provides a strong kind of illustration, but we should generally look to the future with more optimism. I firmly believe that we can do better, because I know the people who live here. The country may be „lost,“ but I truly believe the people will have a better future. We just have to work harder at it. Our goal must be for all of us to get involved in this society and drive it forward with great effort. We need to motivate as many people as possible to participate if we want to change anything. Just like back then, on October 5th, when our protests led to the overthrow of one of the worst dictators of that time.